Tuesday, June 6, 2017
The National Right to Work Committee Covers My Blog
The National Right to Work Committee blogged a piece on
its website concerning my blog about the effect of right-to-work laws on disposable income. The
original blog post is at http://mitchell-langbert.blogspot.com/2017/05/right-to-work-laws-increase-wages.html
If Not Now, When? Repeal Agenda 21
PO Box 130
West Shokan, NY 12494
June 6, 2017
President Trump
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue NW
Washington, DC 20500
Via First Class Mail and Email
Dear President Trump
I support your decision about the
Paris Agreement. In addition, I urge your administration to consider
rescinding US support for the Rio Declaration of 1992, which is associated with
UN Agenda 21 and the Statement of Principles for the Sustainable Management of
Forests. As well, I urge the United States to withhold funding for all
government and UN programs aimed to implement these documents.
The Rio Declaration on
Environment and Development and Agenda 21 are couched in economically
illiterate claims about how economic development occurs and how economic
inequality ought to be addressed. For instance, they commit the
United States to reducing consumption and to “promoting appropriate demographic
policies.” They do not recognize that freedom and free markets are the
sine qua non for meaningful economic development.
The Rio Declaration is
anti-scientific. Principle 15 advocates a precautionary principle whereby
if “threats,” as defined by environmental extremists, exist, “lack of full
scientific certainty shall not be used as a reason for postponing
cost-effective measures.” Such vague, anti-scientific language gives a carte
blanche to scientism. It is opposed to real science, and its
anti-science bias was reflected in Al Gore’s ignorant claim that science can be
“settled.”
Your administration can rescind
American support for the Rio Declaration, Agenda 21, and the statement on
sustainable forests. It can rescind all budgetary items that support
implementation of these totalitarian commitments.
Sincerely,
Mitchell Langbert,Ph.D.
Monday, June 5, 2017
David J. Garrow's Rising Star: The Making of Barack Obama
I haven't read David J. Garrow's Rising Star: The Making of Barack Obama, but a friend forwarded Paul Street's review in Counter Punch. Street's review is from a left perspective--one which would have been called New Left a few decades ago. Thus, while Street's (and presumably Garrow's) analysis is accurate, we part ways with respect to Street's criticisms of Garrow as well as Street's conclusions and recommendations.
Street's rendition of Garrow makes some similar points to those I made in this blog in 2008 and 2009. Street puts more weight than I did--how could I have known?--on Obama's lack of substance and his pragmatism. It was evident from the contribution numbers readily available in 2008 that Obama would be deferential to Wall Street, which he was, according to the review.
The left has never understood that socialism begets elitism, so a more socialistic economy would beget a slightly different but essentially similar set of figures to Robert Rubin and Lloyd Blankfein. The elites in communist and softer socialist states don't differ much from the current American elite. Cliches like "neoliberalism," "progressive" and "democratic" confuse leftists like Street, who remain wedded to the false premise that Hoover's Progressivism was laissez faire.
While it is true that Hoover was more laissez faire than Franklin Roosevelt, the basic statist infrastructure--the Fed, the permanent war machine, the draft, the income tax, the process for providing regulatory subsidization to special interests--was already in place under Hoover, and he supported it. The Republicans elected during the 1920s--Harding, Coolidge, and Hoover--had no interest in repealing the big-government institutions that Theodore Roosevelt (R), Taft (R) and Wilson (D) had put into place. While Taft was conservative compared to Roosevelt, he was in the Progressive tradition, favoring use of litigation over regulation of trusts to enforce federal regulation. Roosevelt had favored a more regulated approach, so he ran against Taft in 1912, enabling election of Wilson, who signed both the income tax and the Federal Reserve Act into law.
The American imperial state has been evolving since Lincoln and before, and socialism is not the solution. It is the problem. Obama was in the imperial tradition of Leviathan, and Street's review is worth reading.
Street's rendition of Garrow makes some similar points to those I made in this blog in 2008 and 2009. Street puts more weight than I did--how could I have known?--on Obama's lack of substance and his pragmatism. It was evident from the contribution numbers readily available in 2008 that Obama would be deferential to Wall Street, which he was, according to the review.
The left has never understood that socialism begets elitism, so a more socialistic economy would beget a slightly different but essentially similar set of figures to Robert Rubin and Lloyd Blankfein. The elites in communist and softer socialist states don't differ much from the current American elite. Cliches like "neoliberalism," "progressive" and "democratic" confuse leftists like Street, who remain wedded to the false premise that Hoover's Progressivism was laissez faire.
While it is true that Hoover was more laissez faire than Franklin Roosevelt, the basic statist infrastructure--the Fed, the permanent war machine, the draft, the income tax, the process for providing regulatory subsidization to special interests--was already in place under Hoover, and he supported it. The Republicans elected during the 1920s--Harding, Coolidge, and Hoover--had no interest in repealing the big-government institutions that Theodore Roosevelt (R), Taft (R) and Wilson (D) had put into place. While Taft was conservative compared to Roosevelt, he was in the Progressive tradition, favoring use of litigation over regulation of trusts to enforce federal regulation. Roosevelt had favored a more regulated approach, so he ran against Taft in 1912, enabling election of Wilson, who signed both the income tax and the Federal Reserve Act into law.
The American imperial state has been evolving since Lincoln and before, and socialism is not the solution. It is the problem. Obama was in the imperial tradition of Leviathan, and Street's review is worth reading.
Saturday, June 3, 2017
America's Living Constitution
America has a living Constitution. The Constitution is living because it reflects the ability of the American people to
amend it. When Americans’ values change or when scientific advance
changes politics, the American people can change the Constitution in two
ways.
First, the Constitution says that two-thirds of the House and Senate and three-fourths of the states can vote to amend the Constitution. Second, two-thirds of the state legislatures can call a Constitutional Convention that can amend the Constitution. These democratic processes provide for shifts in public opinion.
The Constitution does not delegate the authority to decide Constitutionality to the federal courts, nor does it give the Supreme Court the authority to legislate, nor does it give the Supreme Court the authority to amend the Constitution. The Supreme Court claimed that it has the power to amend the Constitution in the case of Griswold v. Connecticut, in which it claimed that it and only it could identify new penumbras of the Constitution. This arrogation of power has given it the authority to invent law, an authority that Hitler claimed for himself through his doctrine of Fuehrerprinzip.
In contrast, George Washington believed that the president determined Constitutionality, and Andrew Jackson felt no qualms about ignoring the Supreme Court’s claims about Constitutionality.
The Constitution does not delegate authority to amend it to the Supreme Court. There is no provision for the Supreme Court to update, revise, or change the Constitution based on their claims of penumbras or social evolution, which Supreme Court justices, who are just legal experts, have no authority, knowledge, or competence to determine.
The claim that the Supreme Court has such authority and that the Constitution is living in the sense that its meaning can be adjusted to reflect the caprices of the Supreme Court justices is another way to express Hitler's principle of Fuehrerprinzip—the theory that his personal whim was law. The phrase living Constitution means the nine-fuehrer principle: Neunfuehrerprinzip.
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